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by Eric D. Graham #TheRapProfessor. If you like what you are learning ($JeffreyBarnes)
Thursday, November 30, 2017
BOBBEE BEE: Riyadh fighting Washington's war in Yemen
Riyadh fighting
Washington’s war in Yemen by Syarif Hidayat
Saudi Arabia is fighting the United States’ war in Yemen
since the Obama White House has decided to “lead from the behind,” an American
journalist says. US Army Colonel Steve Warren, a Pentagon spokesman, said that
Washington increased weapons supplies, including ammunition and bombs, to
assist the Saudi-led coalition that is fighting against the Ansarullah Houthi
revolutionaries who are seeking to oust terrorist groups from the country.
Glen Ford, executive editor of Black Agenda Report, told
Press TV that Saudi Arabia is “playing the US role as head of the coalition of
the willing, that’s the role that the United States has played for the last
couple of decades in that part of the world.” “Now President Obama is taking a
lower profile; he likes to use the term ‘leading from behind,’” he said.
“But these kinds of large operations involving lots of states
most of which have no carrying capacity, that is they can’t carry big loads of
troops or ammunition.” “And they don’t have big reserves of missiles and such.
They have to be resupplied. All of that requires imperial military power of the
united states,” he noted. Saudi Arabia’s military aggression against Yemen
started on March 26, without a UN mandate, in a bid to restore power to
fugitive former president, Abd Rabbuh Mansour Hadi. More than 540 people have
been killed and thousands have been injured in Yemen since the military
conflict began in the Arab country, according to the World Health Organization.
Ansarullah Houthi revolutionaries say Hadi, who is now in
Riyadh, lost his legitimacy as president of Yemen after he fled the capital to
Aden in February. Popular committees backed by Ansarullah fighters are
continuing their advances despite the Saudi attacks while stepping up their
fight against al-Qaeda terrorists and securing many areas from the militants.
Commenting to Press TV, Ford said, “It’s also very significant that the Saudis
are so publically demanding – it sounds a demand more than a request – that
Pakistan join this coalition and send troops, because that would make the
troika complete.”
“It was the United States, and Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan
that back in the late 1970s and early the 1980s actually created… the
international [terrorist] network. That network did not exist,” he stated.
“There had been always [terrorists], but not organized, and funded and armed on
an international scale. That happened with the troika – Pakistan, the Saudis
and the United States. ” “And now they are bringing [the troika] to bear in
Yemen, where the net effect of their military aggression will be to vastly
increase the influence of al-Qaeda,” he concluded. The God Almighty Allah warning
More than 1430 years ago, the God Almighty Allah warned in
Al-Qur’an, Surah Al-Maeda, verses 50 – 51 about what is nowadays happening in
the Muslim World especially in the Middle East countries today.
In the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful. “Do they
then seek the judgement of (the days of) Ignorance? And who is better in judgement
than Allâh for a people who have firm Faith. O you who believe! Take not the
“Zionists” Jews and the “Right-Wing” Christians as Auliyâ’ (friends,
protectors, helpers), they are but Auliyâ’ of each other. And if any amongst
you takes them (as Auliyâ’), then surely he is one of them. Verily, Allâh
guides not those people who are the Zâlimûn (polytheists and wrong-doers and
unjust).” (Surah Al-Maeda, verses 50 – 51)
Installing a Western
puppet regime
Saudi Arabia has launched a proxy war in Yemen on behalf of
the United States to install a Western puppet regime in the country, says a
former American intelligence linguist in Florida. In September 2014, the Houthi
Ansarullah movement gained control of Sana’a, Yemen’s capital, following a
four-day battle with army forces loyal to General Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar, the
half-brother of the country’s former dictator, Ali Abdullah Saleh.
On March 26, Saudi Arabia unleashed deadly air raids against
Yemen in an attempt to restore power to fugitive Yemeni President Abd Rabbuh
Mansur Hadi, a close ally of Riyadh. “Washington is once again trying to
manipulate the government of Yemen using a proxy war now from Saudi Arabia,
their direct partner and the largest recipient of military weaponry in the
region,” Scott Rickard told Press TV.
Rickard was referring to remarks by former US congressman
Ron Paul who said Thursday that the Saudi-led airstrikes with the help of the
Obama administration will result in higher oil prices. “It looks as though this
war is going to escalate now that the Houthis have been successful in
overthrowing the West puppet government in Sana’a,” Rickard said.
“Certainly, the price of oil will continue to rise, the oil
prices, traditionally they rise during war time, in order to cover expenses for
the war as well as to increase the amount of competition in the region for the
actual resources,” he explained, noting “everyone will profit from this war
with the increase in oil prices”. He also said these types of proxy wars by the
West have happened elsewhere in the region. “You have the same issues obviously
in Iraq, in Syria and in Libya that have just destroyed those countries as
well.”
Washington said it is supporting the Saudi military action
against Yemen and it is providing logistical and intelligence support to Saudi
airstrikes. Saudi-led warplanes continue carrying out airstrikes against Yemen
as the war on the impoverished country enters its fourth day. Dozens of people,
including women and children, have been killed since early Thursday, when Saudi
Arabia began the invasion of Yemen.
Senator McCain applauds Saudi-led offensive in Yemen
US Republican Senator John McCain has applauded the offensive launched by Saudi Arabia and its allies against Yemen, speculating that the “conflict will probably escalate” into a regional war in the Middle East. McCain said Saudi Arabia and its allies “did the right thing” by launching the offensive against the country.
The Armed Services chairman added the invasion saved oil exports from the Middle East because if Yemen were to fall, it could choke off oil exports from the region. Saudi Arabia is the world’s largest oil exporter. It has the world’s largest proven oil reserves and production capacity. Oil tankers carry almost four million barrels daily through the Bab el-Mandeb strait, which connects the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea. The strait is 18 miles wide at its narrowest point.
The offensive has raised concerns about the vulnerability of the Bab el-Mandeb strait between Yemen and Djibouti, which has been identified by the US Department of Energy as a potential “chokepoint” in the global oil market. The tankers carry crude on a daily basis through the Red Sea and Suez Canal to Europe. Oil supplies to the United States take a longer route around the southern tip of Africa. Analysts, however, say neither side in the Yemen conflict has the kind of weaponry that would pose a serious threat to tankers in the Bab el-Mandeb.
Saudi warplanes bombed the positions of the Ansarullah fighters and launched attacks against the Sana’a airport and the Dulaimi airbase. US President Barack Obama authorized the Pentagon to provide logistical and intelligence support to Saudi airstrikes in Yemen, National Security Council spokesperson Bernadette Meehan said. Secretary of State John Kerry said that his country praises the military action and is backing it through intelligence sharing, targeting assistance and logistical support.
US increases weapons
shipments to Saudi Arabia
The United States has increased its military assistance to
Saudi Arabia, extending its participation in the ongoing Saudi-led aggression
against Yemen. US Army Colonel Steve Warren said that Washington increased
weapons supplies, including ammunition and bombs, to assist the Saudi-led
countries that are fighting against the Ansarullah Houthi revolutionaries who
are seeking to oust terrorist groups from the country.
“It’s a combination of pre-existing orders to our partners
and some new requirements,” Warren said, describing the arms shipments. In
addition to the arms shipments, a number of US forces assigned in a mission in
Saudi Arabia to oversee the air campaign against the revolutionaries in Yemen,
according to Warren.
Deputy Secretary of State Antony Blinken also declared
earlier that the Pentagon increased its intelligence exchanges with Riyadh.
Citing military sources, Russian media reported that the US Navy joined the airstrikes
against Yemen on Monday and American warships participated in the airstrikes on
Yemen’s capital, Sana’a. Saudi Arabia started its military aggression against
Yemen on March 26, without a UN mandate, in a bid to restore power to fugitive
former president Abd Rabbuh Mansour Hadi.
The revolutionaries say Hadi, who is now in Riyadh, lost his
legitimacy as president of Yemen after he fled the capital to Aden in February.
More than 540 people have been killed and thousands have been injured in the
beleaguered country since the military conflict began, according to the World
Health Organization.
US Republican Senator John McCain has applauded the
offensive launched by Saudi Arabia and its allies against Yemen, speculating
that the “conflict will probably escalate” into a regional war in the Middle
East. McCain said Saudi Arabia and its allies “did the right thing” by
launching the offensive against the country.
The Armed Services chairman added the invasion saved oil
exports from the Middle East because if Yemen were to fall, it could choke off
oil exports from the region. Saudi Arabia is the world’s largest oil exporter.
It has the world’s largest proven oil reserves and production capacity. Oil
tankers carry almost four million barrels daily through the Bab el-Mandeb
strait, which connects the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea.
The strait is 18 miles wide at its narrowest point.
The offensive has raised concerns about the vulnerability of
the Bab el-Mandeb strait between Yemen and Djibouti, which has been identified
by the US Department of Energy as a potential “chokepoint” in the global oil
market. The tankers carry crude on a daily basis through the Red Sea and Suez
Canal to Europe. Oil supplies to the United States take a longer route around
the southern tip of Africa. Analysts, however, say neither side in the Yemen
conflict has the kind of weaponry that would pose a serious threat to tankers
in the Bab el-Mandeb.
Saudi warplanes bombed the positions of the Ansarullah
fighters and launched attacks against the Sana’a airport and the Dulaimi
airbase. US President Barack Obama authorized the Pentagon to provide
logistical and intelligence support to Saudi airstrikes in Yemen, National Security
Council spokesperson Bernadette Meehan said. Secretary of State John Kerry said
that his country praises the military action and is backing it through
intelligence sharing, targeting assistance and logistical support.
The Obama Doctrine
Paul D. Shinkman in his article titled “The Obama Doctrine:
Let the Mideast Fight Its Own Wars”, writes Throughout his presidency, Barack
Obama has tried to place the responsibility for Middle East security on the
region’s leaders, particularly allies like Saudi Arabia whom America has
provided with billions of dollars worth of military machinery. At the same
time, his administration has backed away from deploying American troops to what
have become a growing number of dangerous hot spots.
“It’s more effective to use our capabilities to help
partners on the ground secure their own country’s futures,” Obama said in a
weekly address in September, employing what has become his oft-repeated line
about refusing to get “dragged into another ground war” in the Middle East.
Instead, he has been pushing for Arab nations to move their militaries beyond
their traditional roles of securing territorial borders and protecting the
ruling establishment against domestic uprising.
Now, a volatile conflict in Yemen threatens to expand
Iranian influence at the expense of regional rivals including Saudi Arabia and
Egypt. Those countries, backed by a band of Sunni Muslim leaders, have grown
tired of waiting for U.S. assistance and are instead taking responsibility
themselves. Their week-old air war against the Iran-backed Shiite Muslim Houthi
rebels and consideration of a subsequent ground invasion have only minimal
support from the U.S.
It looks as if Obama got exactly what he wanted. But Yemen’s
internal complexities, combined with foreign meddling, has prompted concerns of
all-out regional war. The renewed violence will now prove whether the American
government is prepared to accept its new role in the Middle East as a supplier
and organizer, but not a leader.
Syrian conflict
The president’s hands-off Middle East military policy
materialized in the early days of the ongoing civil war in Syria. Even when
Syrian President Bashar Assad crossed Obama’s so-called “red line” by deploying
chemical weapons against his own people, the White House did not budge from the
commander-in-chief’s refusal to deploy Americans to assist, either by arming,
training or even fighting against the extremism brewing there.
“Because of Syria – the U.S. ability, or willingness, or
ambiguous approach to the Syrian conflict – the Saudis, the Jordanians and Arab
States in the Gulf have determined they cannot wait for the U.S. to act when it
comes to protecting their national interests,” says regional expert Alon
Ben-Meir, a Baghdad native of Jewish descent and a professor at New York
University. They want to create the perception that nobody, including Iran,
should take Saudi Arabia and the Sunni states for granted,” he says. “It’s
sending a clear message: We are no longer going to wait for a green light to
act. We are going to act because the changing dynamics in the Middle East is
demanding that.”
The Obama Doctrine
Paul D. Shinkman in his article titled “The Obama Doctrine: Let the Mideast Fight Its Own Wars”, writes Throughout his presidency, Barack Obama has tried to place the responsibility for Middle East security on the region’s leaders, particularly allies like Saudi Arabia whom America has provided with billions of dollars worth of military machinery. At the same time, his administration has backed away from deploying American troops to what have become a growing number of dangerous hot spots.
“It’s more effective to use our capabilities to help partners on the ground secure their own country’s futures,” Obama said in a weekly address in September, employing what has become his oft-repeated line about refusing to get “dragged into another ground war” in the Middle East. Instead, he has been pushing for Arab nations to move their militaries beyond their traditional roles of securing territorial borders and protecting the ruling establishment against domestic uprising.
Now, a volatile conflict in Yemen threatens to expand Iranian influence at the expense of regional rivals including Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Those countries, backed by a band of Sunni Muslim leaders, have grown tired of waiting for U.S. assistance and are instead taking responsibility themselves. Their week-old air war against the Iran-backed Shiite Muslim Houthi rebels and consideration of a subsequent ground invasion have only minimal support from the U.S.
It looks as if Obama got exactly what he wanted. But Yemen’s internal complexities, combined with foreign meddling, has prompted concerns of all-out regional war. The renewed violence will now prove whether the American government is prepared to accept its new role in the Middle East as a supplier and organizer, but not a leader.
Syrian conflict
The president’s hands-off Middle East military policy materialized in the early days of the ongoing civil war in Syria. Even when Syrian President Bashar Assad crossed Obama’s so-called “red line” by deploying chemical weapons against his own people, the White House did not budge from the commander-in-chief’s refusal to deploy Americans to assist, either by arming, training or even fighting against the extremism brewing there.
“Because of Syria – the U.S. ability, or willingness, or ambiguous approach to the Syrian conflict – the Saudis, the Jordanians and Arab States in the Gulf have determined they cannot wait for the U.S. to act when it comes to protecting their national interests,” says regional expert Alon Ben-Meir, a Baghdad native of Jewish descent and a professor at New York University.
“They want to create the perception that nobody, including Iran, should take Saudi Arabia and the Sunni states for granted,” he says. “It’s sending a clear message: We are no longer going to wait for a green light to act. We are going to act because the changing dynamics in the Middle East is demanding that.”
Toothless Arab League
Most previous Arab alliances, such as the Arab League, have
proved largely toothless at rounding up coalitions and effecting some sort of
successful military mission. If Saudi Arabia is serious about a follow-on
ground mission in Yemen, that likely explains why it sought support from other
countries with advanced militaries, such as Morocco, Egypt and Pakistan – each
a recipients of billions of dollars of U.S. military equipment like fighter
jets and tanks. Saudi Arabia also sought out the symbolic inclusion of Sudan,
which has previously allowed Iran to use its land for shipments to proxy
fighters in and around Gaza.
The U.S. threw its support behind Saudi Arabia roughly a day
after it coalesced the incongruous group of loyal countries last week to take
on the Iranian-backed threat next door. But reports from some top echelons of
Saudi power indicate the oil-rich nation would have acted without U.S.
approval. America in turn is constrained by its historic alliance with Israel –
an increasingly tempestuous relationship amid Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu’s vocal opposition to continued U.S.-led negotiations with Iran over
Tehran’s nuclear program. Amid these high profile talks, Obama and his
government are losing credibility among Gulf allies quickly.
“There is, underlying this, a growing and deep-felt
expression about U.S. intentions in the region,” says Salman Shaikh, director
of the Brookings Institution’s Doha Center in Qatar. “They no longer feel they
can entirely trust that the U.S. will provide – be the main stabilizing actor
in the region.” “More and more, there is discussion about what else the U.S. is
talking to Iran about. Even if it’s not and being denied, that is leading to
the kind of coalition and push on the use of force the Saudis are now leading
in Yemen.”
Saudi-led Arab
coalition against Houthis
Over the weekend, a summit of Arab leaders yielded a new
joint force that will be used to direct airstrikes against rebel forces in
Yemen. Saudi and Egyptian leaders may consider deploying the additional troops
by ground to quell the insurrection, particularly if it worsens or expands
further into key areas like Aden. The strategic port, partially overrun by
rebels on Thursday, is at the axis of one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes
and a key point for transporting oil, as well as the site of the 2000 attack on
the USS Cole and now the temporary capital of pro-Western President Abed Rabbo
Mansour Hadi’s ousted government.The conditions for peace presented by this new force are
clearly rooted in a political settlement: The Houthis must lay down their arms
and agree to peace under the governance of Hadi, who has been exiled from the
capital.
Stability in this region for the better part of the last
millennium has been provided by an outside hegemony. The Ottoman Empire ruled
through the 19th century, when European colonial powers began drawing up the
lines that exist today as borders. Cold War battlefronts occasionally converged
on the Middle East, and since 1990, U.S. troops and diplomats have attempted to
oversee some form of order.
That began to deteriorate when President George W. Bush
ordered U.S. troops to invade Iraq in 2003, becoming one of the modern era’s
most heavy-handed U.S. presidents in the region. The instability caused by the
subsequent war, combined with the Arab Spring in 2011, has produced a new
Middle East with a dwindling U.S. presence.
Instead of ground forces, Obama’s doctrine has included
expanding the armed drone campaign invented during the Bush administration in
the hopes he could both deploy America’s most ferocious ordnance abroad –
notably in Yemen – to combat terrorism without endangering American troops. The
Pentagon claims a drone campaign it initiated to target potent extremists
within the Yemen-based terror group al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula is still
in full effect, though the extent to which the Hadi government can cooperate
from hiding remains unclear.
The young country, which only unified its sectarian north
and south in 1990, remains a hotbed of conflict along its many ethnic and
religious lines. Tribal forces have swayed in support of local leaders,
including Hadi and former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, and the presence of
extremist forces, like secessionist groups and al-Qaida’s most potent existing
branch, further dampen any hopes of stability there.
Broader regional
conflagration
It’s too early to tell whether the Saudi intervention into
Yemen could escalate elsewhere, or whether the U.S. has established enough of a
leadership role to prevent the war from tumbling out of control. Saudi Arabia
and Iran view the U.S. exeunt as an opportunity to establish themselves as the
new big player on the block, and their next steps may decide whether chaos in
the region prevails.
“So much of it depends on how the Iranians react, and
whether they encourage their Houthi brothers to turn around,” says Shaikh.
“This can become a broader regional conflagration, a broad regional conflict
that is naked, out in the open. That is not good for anyone in the region.”
Conflict could even extend to inside Saudi Arabia or Iran, he adds. “A lot of
this does depend on what the Iranians are going to do, how we’re going to get
into a serious political process, and what the Americans can do in this
regard.”
And any plan for victory against the Houthis may appear
successful in theory. But as Saleh said, operating Yemen is like “dancing on
the heads of snakes.” Saleh himself, a Shiite who while president mounted
attacks against the Houthis before reportedly building an alliance with them,
exemplifies the incredibly complex concoction of international and local forces
that make Yemen so dangerous. He weathered multiple coup attempts, oversaw
Yemen’s unification, then sided with Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait.
After the USS Cole was attacked at Aden, Saleh declared he would defeat
al-Qaida and won Bush’s support.
“He’s a good snake dancer,” says Barbara Slavin, an Iran
expert and senior fellow at the Atlantic Council’s South Asia Center. She
expresses doubts at the ability of countries like Saudi Arabia to wage
conventional war far away from its borders, and sees the current conflict as
much about personal vendettas against Saleh as it is about international fears
over Iran’s involvement. “It’s tribal. It’s bloody. It’s not just the Houthis,
there are other tribes trying to break away and have more influence over the
government,” she says. “What we’re seeing is an effort by the Saudis to force
the Houthis to accept Hadi.”
Saudi Arabia’s
newfound adventurism
Saudi Arabia’s newfound adventurism has surprised some in
Washington, including top officials at the Pentagon, who have privately
expressed concerns with the Gulf power’s ability to restrain its military.
During the Arab Spring in 2011, Saudi Arabia infamously invaded Bahrain to
quell the Shiite minority from ousting the Sunni establishment. Reports of
atrocities emerged, along with accusations that the Western media that chose to
cover the conflict offered an overly forgiving view of Saudi Arabia’s actions.
The Pentagon has remained tight-lipped about the U.S.
participation in this operation and what kind of control it can exert over its
allied fighters. Just days after U.S. commandos were withdrawn from hunting
al-Qaida operatives in Yemen, Obama last week authorized a small number of U.S.
forces to assist this new coalition with intelligence and logistics assistance.
An unknown number of Americans are currently operating at a
“fusion center” run by the regional Gulf Cooperation Council, providing
intelligence and information, and performing the key mission of communicating
the coalition’s actions back to Washington. This headquarters differs from the
joint operations centers the U.S. has established in Irbil and Baghdad to
coordinate the coalition’s air war in Iraq against the Islamic State group,
says Pentagon spokesman Army Col. Steve Warren.
“It’s a lot about communications and that we are also taking
the opportunity to use this as a vehicle for bringing in a little bit better
intelligence picture,” he said last Friday. He declined to specify what kind of
intelligence the U.S. is providing, and whether it’s helping the Arab fighter
jets find and hit specific targets. The special operations forces withdrawn
last month have not been redeployed to this center, he said.
U.S. officials have also expressed concern about Saudi
Arabia’s ability to operate with the kind of sophistication that avoids
collateral damage, negative headlines and fodder for enemy recruitment. Despite
nationalistic swagger, many allies who have fought with the U.S. admit that no
other country can compare with its ability to perform command-and-control, to
find targets and hit them precisely and to oversee battle spaces to ensure all
parties are coordinated.
Inexperience with that kind of discretion is already
beginning to show in Yemen, following reports Monday that an apparent airstrike
killed 20 civilians at a United Nations refugee camp there. Iranian media also
bragged Monday that Houthi rebels in Yemen were able to shoot down a Saudi F-15
fighter jet, forcing its crew to eject into the Gulf of Aden where American
airmen rescued them in international waters. U.S. defense officials confirmed
the mission, but would not say what caused the pilots to eject or why the plane
went down.
A situation as complex as Yemen is rife with opportunities
for misunderstanding. BBC Arabic tweeted, then later retracted reports that the
elusive Iranian Maj. Gen. Qassem Soleimani had been photographed at a Yemeni
market. The leader of Iran’s hyper-zealous Revolutionary Guard Quds Force was
previously reported to have been in Tikrit overseeing Shiite militias fighting
the Islamic State.
Were Saudi Arabia to attack and kill a high profile Iranian officer, even accidentally, it may provoke a some form of war of retribution. Even if the U.S. can secure a nuclear deal with Iran, the cryptic Shiite nation’s desire to assert power in the Middle East, and its Sunni foes’ retaliation, all but guarantees conflicts in this region for many years.